Backstory: Getting the Reid on the election

By Michael Green

If you didn't think politics made strange bedfellows, you didn't pay close attention to Harry Reid's official campaign kickoff.

In Reno, the honor of introducing the three-term senator and Democratic whip fell to Mayor Bob Cashell. In Las Vegas, it was Sheriff Bill Young. What do they have in common? They are Republicans and Reid is a Democrat.

On Reid's part, it's good politics. If Reid wants to create the image of bipartisan support, having Republicans sing his praises goes a long way in that direction. And voters will be constantly reminded of those endorsements, which may seem unusual in today's bitterly partisan climate.

But it doesn't hurt that Reid's likely Republican opponent, Richard Ziser, doesn't bring to the table the potential fundraising prowess and telegenic qualities of Rep. Jim Gibbons, who was the GOP's dream candidate to challenge Reid. And Ziser has made noises about campaigning against Reid's morals, which is so silly it isn't even worth discussing.

Worse, Ziser was the architect of an initiative that Nevadans passed overwhelmingly, changing the state constitution to read, "Only a marriage between a male and female person shall be recognized and given effect in this state." This made him a polarizing figure, perhaps because the measure displayed a bigotry that Nevadans should be ashamed of voting for, perhaps because it technically means only a person who is both male and female can marry. All right, probably the former, but check the grammar.

The Republicans supporting Reid--and Cashell and Young are hardly alone--might feel differently if a stronger candidate had entered the field against him. That none did is understandable. Sen. John Ensign is friendly enough with Reid not to be vocal against him anyway. Gibbons apparently will run in 2006 for governor or--if Ensign decides to come home--senator, and no doubt figures any of his opponents in two years would be less trying than Reid. The others mentioned had other issues to consider, whether it's just being elected to statewide office (Attorney General Brian Sandoval), their maverick image making other Republicans nervous (Secretary of State Dean Heller), or having run only two years before (County Commissioner Lynette Boggs McDonald).

But history also plays an important role in all of this.

This could be Reid's easiest race in a long time. His opponent for lieutenant governor in 1970 was Bob Broadbent, who was a tough cookie. Reid lost a Senate bid in 1974 and a Las Vegas mayoral bid in 1975. When he made it to the House in 1982, it was after four controversial, wearing years as Gaming Commission chairman when the state was trying to drive out such sterling citizens as Frank "Lefty" Rosenthal. Running for the Senate in 1986, he faced former Congressman Jim Santini. In 1992, Republicans mounted a limited challenge (if you remember that his general election opponent was Demar Dahl, you are Reid or you have too much useless information in your head.). But that was the year of Ross Perot, and a Perotista running as a Democrat, Charles Woods, made the primary unpleasant.

In 1998, Ensign came within a whisker of unseating Reid. Which brings us back to history.

One of the arguments on Reid's behalf in 1998 was that, if re-elected, he was a cinch to become assistant Democratic leader. That made him the No. 2 man in his party in the Senate, behind Tom Daschle. That means power for Nevada. Whether it was Paul Laxalt, a Republican who was Ronald Reagan's closest friend, or Pat McCarran, a Democrat who stuck his finger into more local issues than even Reid's worst critics could ever imagine him doing, Nevadans didn't kick out someone with the seniority or juice to serve their state. It's no coincidence that when four-term Sen. Howard Cannon lost his bid for a fifth term, Congress passed the legislation intended to route nuclear waste this way.

In 1998, many Nevadans were sufficiently lacking in basic civics to think of voting out Reid. In 2004, the stakes could be even higher. Daschle faces a tough re-election bid in South Dakota, and Majority Leader Bill Frist has ended a long tradition of Senate leaders not campaigning against one another because, well, Daschle has amply demonstrated that Frist is a Bush administration toady with fewer morals than a tomcat on the prowl on Saturday night.

Daschle probably will win. But if he doesn't, Reid is poised to become the first Nevadan as majority or minority leader in Congress. If not, he will retain his seat at the table. And as time removes other leaders, he might wind up chairing a key committee or two. When McCarran chaired Judiciary and Key Pittman ran Foreign Relations, presidents had to do their bidding, which means big bucks for Nevada. When Nevadans show sense, they reap dollars and cents.

This wasn't in everyone's mind, Democratic or Republican. Ziser won't be a quiet opponent. Nor will Reid take his re-election for granted. But maybe it's a sign of how upside-down Nevada is: The big U.S. Senate race is less competitive and exciting than some state legislative primaries. That shouldn't necessarily bother you. It certainly doesn't bother Reid.